(轉)美國參議員Sherrod Brown上個月在USCC的演講

STATEMENT OF SENATOR SHERROD BROWN (D-OH)
At United States China Economic and Security Review Commission Hearing

March 18, 2010

SENATOR BROWN: Thank you, Commissioner Mulloy, and Commissioner Wortzel, and all of you, thanks.

It's a pleasure to be back in front of you, and thanks for your service on increasingly important issues that our country faces in terms of national security, in terms of economic security. These issues get more interesting, more complicated, and more crucial to our national interests just about every year.

I commend this Commission, first of all, for tackling the tough issue of the United States' relationship with both China and Taiwan and the interaction that way. This hearing is not only timely but vital to understanding the role of the U.S. in the Taiwan Straits.

Even before serving in Congress in the House and the Senate, the role o f the U.S. in the Taiwan Strait has been a personal interest to me. The personal interest became more a professional prerogative because of Taiwanese American constituents in my old congressional district and
in my state.

Taiwan's miracle, its transition from martial law to democracy, as quickly as they did, is, I won't say effortlessly, but as smoothly in many ways as they did, and with the economic vitality that that island nation was able to generate, was nothing short o f a miracle.

It's one of the great achievements of the 20th century, yet it 's often overlooked. People really don't know much about what happened.

I remember watching the inauguration from President Lee to President Chen Shui-bian, and that's really one of the hallmarks of a democracy, being able to switch, to have a peaceful transition of a chief executive, going from one political party to another, and to do it as smoothly as
the Taiwanese did.

That's why the U.S. role in t he Taiwan Strait , I think, is so important . It's in our national security interests not to take our attention away from China's presence around the world.

Senator Durbin and I were just in East Africa in four countries which are important to our national interests and are four countries that face some of the biggest challenges of any in the world Sudan, Ethiopia, Tanzania, and Congo and we saw beginning, not just beginning, but a huge Chinese presence in those four countries in ways that frankly got our attention.

When you look at China's presence around the world, from these massive investments in unstable African countries, to engaging in predatory trade practices, about which we are so familiar, just picking the newspaper up everyday from the Wall Street Journal or any other paper, to attempting to monopolize the Taiwan Strait, all of these are crucial issues for us.

The U. S. must be clear as a government and as a people that freedom and democracy form the path to longterm economic stability and prosperity for Taiwan and all nations aspiring for independence and autonomy and selfgovernment. Those who fight for those principles should know that they will be supported by the United States.

The U. S. shouldn't turn its back to human rights like freedom of the press, freedom of speech, freedom of religion. We must encourage and foster those who wish to live free of oppressive regimes no matter where they live, no matter how difficult the challenge.

For the people of Taiwan, we should recognize its own history and we should recognize its cultural identity. Therefore, we must view the issues between Taiwan and China in the context of a diplomatic relationship between two sovereign nations. As Taiwan's closest ally and strongest supporter on its road to democracy, the U.S. should continue to play a leading role in Taiwan Strait relations.

Taiwan has shaken the tentacles of martial law to have free and democratic elections. It has strong environmental and labor ties, something for which this committee has spoken out and stood for forever, really since the creation of t his Commission.

Taiwan plays by the rules. It should be rewarded, therefore, and encouraged. That is simply not happening. Taiwan, as you know, is not a member of the United Nations. Taiwan is not a member of the World Health Organization. It doesn't even have observer status at the World Health Organization. This is despite the fact that it's a world leader in medical research. It's formed a health care system that serves virtually all of its people, all in the last decade or so.

It's a nation that when there are national catastrophes, weather catastrophes, natural disasters around the world, Taiwan is often one of the first countries to send in welltrained medical personnel and assistance.

This, not being part of the WHO, has happened despite the concerns of all nations that disease from SARS to H1N1 to so much else freely affects people, regardless of geography or gender, age and nationality.

I remember a very damaging earthquake in Taiwan, back, I believe, in Sept ember of 1999, when the world assistance had to await support and acknowledgement from Beijing before we could go into Taiwan. Nations o f the world had to get the People's Republic of China's agreement, acknowledgement of an agreement before they could actually go in and help Taiwan directly. That simply makes no sense for human rights, no sense for the human condition in any way we look at that.

Taiwan's leaders are not, as you know, afforded free and open travel to the U.S. The U.S. does not have an ambassador to Taiwan despite the fact it's one of our largest trading partners. Nor does Taiwan, as you know, have an ambassador to the U. S. 23 million plus Taiwanese have no representation, no presence in our nation, founded on the very values that we acknowledge, that we have fought for, that they aspire to. These injustices must be corrected.

Taiwan's democracy is young, it's still growing, but we can't let it revert back to ways of the past.

What is the cost of giving up freedoms and sovereignty in an effort to benefit economically from China? Many in Taiwan have expressed major reservations with the so called "Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement." This agreement could alter Taiwan's economy
for decades, further blurring the lines of nationality and identity, economic independence and economic dependence.

ECFA negotiations should not keep its own people and trading partners in the dark. I've long opposed U.S. trade agreements that were negotiated to give too much away with too little in return. But as frustrating as it 's been, as wrongheaded as I think free trade agreements like NAFTA and CAFTA are, and several of you on this Commission have spoken out and been leaders in formulating the intellectual framework around opposition to these agreements, the process in the United States, at least, has been open and subject to congressional approval.

The Obama administration must urge the Taiwanese government to be prudent, to make the negotiations completely transparent, and to take the input from the public and from industries. That's what democracies do.

China may have overwhelmingly military, diplomatic and economic power over Taiwan, this country of 23 million, versus a country of 1. 3 billion now, but China lacks the most powerful force available to any nation, and that is the power over the human spirit of the Taiwanese
people.

United States must always side with those who encourage democracy and freedom and peace. Spreading democracy and freedom is something our nation has made part of our moral fabric and hallmark and focus of our national strategy.

Our role in the Taiwan Strait should ensure that China emulates the democratic values of Taiwan, not vice versa, where we allow Taiwan to emulate oppressive values of China. The policy of the United States should be "One China, One Tibet, One Taiwan. "

That's the message we should send the world. Thank you.


能夠再回到你們面前是榮幸的，感謝你們在我們國家面對的國家安全，和經濟安全議題的盡心盡力。這些議題對於我們的國家利益而言每一年都變得越來越有趣、重要且複雜。

我讚賞這個委員會，首先，定位美中台三方互動的棘手議題。這個會議可以幫助我們了解美國在台灣海峽的角色。
即便在議會或參議會服務之前，美國在台灣海峽的角色對我而言便是個人利益的關係。而這個個人利益比較像是專業特權，因為台灣華僑協會就在我的那一個舊選區和我的那一州。

台灣奇蹟，是由軍閥至民主變遷而來，我不是說他們毫不費勁的轉變，但是在很多方面的和諧轉變，以及這個島國所整合的經濟活力，說他是奇蹟絕不為過。這是20世紀最偉大的成就之一，然而台灣經常被忽略，因為人們對於發生的事通常不會了解太多。

我看到李登輝總統到陳水扁總統的就職典禮，從一個政黨到另一政黨、行政首長權力的和平移轉，而如同台灣人的順利轉移，那就是是民主的標記。

這就是為什麼我認為美國在台灣海峽的角色如此重要的原因。這是我們國家安全利益範圍而非奪走中國在世界上的影響力。

參議員Durbin和我在東非四國：蘇丹、衣索比亞、坦桑妮亞和剛果看到美國面臨了國家利益最大的挑戰，我們看到開始，不只是開始，而是中國對此四國的巨大影響力震攝了我們。

當你們看到中國在世界上的存在，對這些不穩定的非洲國家投入鉅額投資，進行掠奪性的貿易，這是我們所熟悉的，每天打開華爾街日報或任何一份報紙，都可以看到中國正在壟斷台灣海峽的貿易，這些對我們都是重要的議題。

美國在此作為一政府和人立場必須要清楚，以自由和民主形塑對台灣而言長期經濟穩定和繁榮的道路，以及所有國家嚮往的獨立和自治。爭取這些守則的人必須知道美國將會支持他們。

美國不應只回顧人權，例如新聞自由、言論自由和宗教自由專制政權，更應該鼓勵和培養希望從壓制政權中解放的人們。不論他們住在哪裡，也不論這個挑戰將是多麼艱難。

對於台灣的人們，我們必須承認他獨有的歷史和文化認同。因此，看待台灣和中國的關係必須在兩個主權國家的外交關係脈絡來進行。身為台灣親近的盟友和通往民主道路強而有力的支持者，美國在台灣海峽的關係必須持續扮演強領導的角色。

台灣已經震動了軍事力量而擁有自由和民主的選舉。他有強壯的環境和勞工連帶。有些意見在這個委員會已經被表達過，有些已經被長久的堅持，都是源自這個委員會的產物。
台灣照著這個規則運作，也應該被獎賞和鼓勵。但不只是這樣，台灣，如同你所知道的，不是美國的一員、也不是WHO（世界衛生組織）的一員、他甚至連WHO的觀察員都不是。但不可否認的，他在醫療領域佔有領導地位，他在近十年內建構了照顧全民的健保制度。

當世界上發生國際災難、政治災禍和天災時，台灣通常是第一個派出訓練精良的醫療人員和設備援助的國家。而他，並不是WHO的成員，但卻關注世界各地的疾病，從SARS到 H1N1，無論病患的地理位置、性別、年齡和國籍同等對待。

我記得台灣曾發生非常嚴重的地震，在1999年9月，當世界各地的救援隊進入台灣之前，必須等待北京當局的確認才能進入支援，無論我們從哪一個狀況看這事件都對人權而言毫無意義。

台灣的領導人，如同你所知道的，並不能自由過境美國。美國對台灣沒有派駐大使，儘管他是我們最重要的貿易夥伴。台灣也沒有派駐大使在美國，2300多萬人在美國毫無代表性，對我們國家而言毫無存在，對我們的認知而言也毫無價值。這是我們必須爭取，也是台灣人所渴望的，這樣的不公不義必須被導正過來。

台灣的民主仍然年輕，還在成長當中，但是我們不能讓他開倒車回到過去。

放棄自由和主權而迎合中共給予的經濟利益所要付出的代價是什麼？很多台灣人對『兩岸經濟合作協議』（ECFA）的主要反對意見是，此協議會改變台灣十年的經濟，更近一步模糊了國界和認同的界線、以及經濟依賴和經濟獨立。

『兩岸經濟合作協議』（ECFA）的協商不應該隱瞞台灣人民和貿易夥伴。我長久以來反對美國的貿易協定都給予太多而得到太少，例如北美自由貿易協定（NAFTA）和中美洲自由貿易協定（CAFTA），你們其中幾位就在這個委員會發言，表達反對意見，並且組織智囊團來反對這些協定，但是在美國的這些程序至少是公開的，而且必須獲得國會認可的。

歐巴馬政府必須強烈主張台灣政府要謹慎，並且使協商過程完全透明，將公眾和產業的意見納入協商，這才是民主的作為。

中國可能有超越台灣毀滅性的武力、外交和經濟力量。台灣這個2300萬人的國家正對抗一個13億人口的中國。但中國缺乏了最有力的力量，這就是台灣人的意志。

美國必須永遠站在鼓吹民主、自由和和平的這一邊。散播民主和自由是我們的國家倫理結構的一部分，也是我們的標誌和國家策略的焦點。

我們在台灣海峽的角色必須是確保中國能趕上台灣的民主價值，反之亦然，這也是我們承認台灣努力追求和中國大陸不同的價值所在。美國的政策應該是”一個中國、一個西藏、一個台灣”。

這是我們應該告訴世界的訊息，謝謝大家。